Mafyatu tunakumiss Edward Sokoine

Mpendwa Fyatu Edward Moringe Sokoine ole Severe.
Najua umelala kwa miaka 40. Juzi nilisikia chawa mmoja akikuita mzee. Kwa uchache, nikupe bonge la kumbukizi. Uliondoka mbichi miaka 45 tena kwa utata. Hata hivyo, ilisemekana, ulifyatuliwa na mfumo uliouamini na kuutumikia kwa mapenzi na uaminifu mkubwa japo hakukuamini wala kukupenda. Nakumbuka wabaya wako walivyokufyatua uliowanyima amani na usingizi tokana na uchapakazi na uzalendo wako kwa mafyatu wanyonge. Hata ulipopata ‘ajali’ pale Dakawa, 12 Aprili, 1984 ukitokea Dodoma kwenda Dar, mengi yalisemwa. Wapo waliosema ulisokoiniwa au kufyatuliwa na waliotuaminisha tusiamini yalikuwa mapenzi ya Mungu.
            Niseme wazi. Kifo chako kilikuwa tata kikiacha utata hadi leo. Si wote wanaoamini uliitwa na Muumba zaidi ya kuwahishwa na wabaya wa kaya. Tunakumbuka. Tunajua. Kilitokana na juhudi zako za kutetea, kutenda, na kuleta haki kwa mafyatu. Ni kama jana. Nakumbuka kasheshe zako za kuwanasa wahujumu uchumi na walanguzi wa bidhaa. Nakumbuka ulivyopiga vitu uvivu, ufisadi, na wizi kwelikweli. Hata siku unasomewa wasifu wako, wengi wasiokuwa waaminifu na wazalendo walishangaa kujua ulikuwa na pea chache za viatu. Hukujilimbikizia mali. Hukupendelea, wake, watoto, marafiki wala ndugu zako kwenye ulaji. Hakika, hukula bali kuzalisha. Wengi walikuonea wivu huku wengine wengi, hasa mafyatu, wakikupenda.
            Ulifanya mengi moja ikiwa vita dhidi ya wahujumu uchumi na walanguzi  mbali na vita ya Kagera ulivisimamia kishujaa. Tunakumbuka dunia ilivyostuka na kuhuzunika. Tulihuzunika na kukutunza kama dafina mioyoni. Ulikuwa mchapakazi asiye mbabaishaji wala muongo. Japo ulipewa majukumu ya kisiasa, hukuwa mwanasiasa mtekelezaji mwaminifu mwema wa kupigiwa mfano.
            Uliipenda na kuithamini elimu. Ulipochaguliwa mbunge ukagundua kiwango chako cha elimu kilipwaya, uliacha uwaziri mkuu na kwenda Yugoslavia kujinoa ulikonyakua shahada katika Sayansi ya Siasa (Political Science). Kwa uamifu, udhu, na weledi wako, hukutafuta shahada ya heshima wala kuinunua kama ilivyo siku hizi. Uliamini katika ukweli tena kwa vitendo. Hukupenda sifa wala sanaa za kisiasa wala hukufanya maigizo ambayo siku hizi ndiyo namna ya kuwafyatua mafyatu watoe kura ya kula. Uliporejea ukiwa umeiva kwelikweli, Mzee Mchonga alikurejeshea uwaziri mkuu ili umsaidie kuongoza kaya wakati wa kipindi kigumu. Kipindi kile mafyatu waliteuliwa kwa sifa za kweli na siyo kujuana au kuwa na uhusiano na wateuzi. Mafyatu wote walikukubali na kukuunga mkono ingawa wabaya wachache kwenye system walikuchukia. Ulikuwa mwiba kwao. Hivyo, hata ilipotokea ‘ajali’ waliamini ilikuwa ya kutengenezwa. Hii ni kutokana na maelezo yasiyoingia akilini kuwa Dumisani Dube, MuAfrika Kusini aliyesemekana aligonga gari lako ndiye alikufyatua. Ajabu ya maajabu, huyo hakuonyeshwa. Na kama angeonyeshwa, asingekuwa na jeraha saa ingine asijue hata hiyo ajali.
            Kuepuka kuonekana ninazusha, hatukuonyeshwa picha ya majeruhi wengine. Tulichoambiwa ni kwamba gari lako ‘lilipogongwa’ wewe  ndiye pekee uliyeumizwa. Na kweli, walikuumiza hadi kukutoa duniani. Wengi tulishangaa, kwanza, ilikuwaje ufe wewe peke yako bila majeruhi hata mmoja. Pili, kwa waliojua afya bora, walishangaa ilikuwaje eti ufe hatujui kwa msutuko au majeraha. Hata mwili wako hatukuonyeshwa tujiridhishe. Kawaida, wakifyatuka wanene kama wewe, miili yao huwekwa wazi Bungeni, Karimjee, hata viwanjani ili mafyatu wawaone na kuwaaga. Kwako, yote haya hayakufanyika. Kwa vile mafyatu si mataahira, tulishuku. Kulikuwa na mkono wa mtu. Hata hivyo, tunamshukuru Mungu. Waliokufyatua nadhani wote walishafyatuka. Kibaya sana, waliondoka na siri ya kufa kwako. Naamini bado siri hii inawatesa kwa sababu hawakutenda jambo jema.
            Kwa tunaokumbuka zama zako, uliamini kuwa uongozi ni utumishi wa umma na si utumikishaji wake. Uliamini kuwa uongozi ilikuwa ni kuwatengenezea mafyatu mazingira na maisha bora. Hukuamini katika kuwala na kuwanyonya mafyatu hadi wengi wakifa njaa na umaskini wa kutengezwa. hukuujua uchawa wala upanyabuku bali uongozi na utumishi wa umma. Hapakuwa na wingi wa skandali za upigaji au upendeleaji.
            Nimalizie. Habari njema, ni kwamba hata wale wabaya wako waliokufyatua, wengi walishafyatuliwa. Waliacha kila kitu walichokilinda hata kwa kudhulumu hata roho za wenzao. Marafiki zako akina Rashid na wengine walishafyatuka. Aliyebaki ni mzee Cleo. Haraka, ngoja nikujuze yaliyotokea. Siasa ya Ujamaa na Kujitegemea uliyofia haipo tena. Badala yake kuna Uhujumaa na Kujimegea. Wakubwa wanamega kama hawana akili nzuri au hawatafyatuliwa. Siku hizi, siyo siri tena. Wanene ni matajiri tena ghafla bin vuu. Hakuna anayeshangaa wala kuhoji! Si ajabu wala mwiko kuwa na chawa kwenye ofisi za mafyatu tena wanye madoadoa tokana na ufisadi na wizi wao. Zamani mlijenga kaya. Siku hizi, wachache wanaila hadi kuiuza kwa wachukuaji na kuibomoa. Habari ndiyo hiyo. Guess what. Tuna uchakachuaji mwakani. Mafyatu wanashangaa miaka yote huwa huadhimishwi wala kukumbukwa. What’s up? Lala salama Fyatu mwenzetu, Ed Morning Sokoi4 ole Severe.

Chanzo: Mwananchi Jtano.

Chanzo mauaji ya wanandoa hiki hapa

Taarifa za mauaji ya wanandoa zinazidi kuongezeka kiasi cha kukera na kutisha. Haupiti mwezi, na sasa wiki, bila kusikia taarifa za mume kumuua mkewe kwa sababu mbalimbali kuu ikiwa wivu wa kimapenzi kugombea mali na mambo mengine kama hayo. Je mauaji haya yanasababishwa na wivu wa kimapenzi au ujinga, tamaa, uvunjifu wa maadili, na mengine mengi? Kama jamii na taifa tunachukua hatua gani kupambana na tatizo hili? Tumekubali kuwa mashahidi na wahanga kana kwamba hatuwezi kuingilia kati?
          Tunaweza kusema kuwa ukatili katika ndoa unaweza kusababishwa na yafuatayo:

            Mosi, kuingia katika ndoa bila maandalizi na utafiti vya kutosha. Haya yakifanyika, wahusika huwa tayari kusomana na kukubali mapungufu yao na kuyafanyia kazi, kujiboresha, na kukjiongeza.
            Pili, kutojua au kukumbuka kuwa duniani tunaisha mara moja. Hivyo, sisi binafsi hupenda kutumia kila fursa na kuifaidi hasa ikizingatiwa hatujui tutakufa lini. Uhakikisha hatupotezi fursa hii adhimu, hukosoana bila kutishana, kudharauliana tukijua sisi si wakamilifu wasiojua kila kitu.
            Tatu, kutojua umuhimu wa amani. Hivyo, tangu tulipokubaliana kufunga ndoa, tuliahidiana kujenga familia ya amani ili tuwarithishe watoto wetu bila kushwawishi bali kuwapa fursa waangalie wenyewe waige.
           Nne, kutojua na kukubali kuwa hakuna binadamu mkamilifu hata mmoja. Badala yake kuna watu wenye mapungufu ambao ni vizuri kukubali kuishi nao tukirekebishana tukiamini kuna siku tutafanikiwa kupunguza mapungufu yetu na kuyageuza fursa.
           Tuangalie vyanzo vya ukatili katika ndoa. Kwa uzoefu, wetu kama wanandoa na  mmoja wetu mwanataaluma ya mahusiano na usuluhishi wa migogoro, tunaomba tujielekeze kwenye sababu kuu zifuatazo ambazo zaweza kuwa vyanzo vikuu vya mauaji na ukatili katika taasisi hii adhimu na muhimu ya ndoa.
            Mosi, wanandoa wengi hudhani wameoa au kuolewa na malaika wasijue ni binadmu wenye mapungufu kama vile:
    A) ujinga ambapo wahusika hufanya mambo bila kujipa nafasi ya kutafuta lau ushauri na ujuzi juu ya taasisi hii isiyoepukika katika maisha.
    B) wapo wanaosukumwa na tamaa iwe ya ngono au vitu vingine kama elimu, mali, na mambo mengine ukiachia mbali upofu na haraka kimaamuzi. Kuna makabila nchini ambapo wazazi huwaambia mabinti zao kutafuta wanaume wenye fedha au taaluma zinazoingiza fedha kama vile biashara, udaktari, uhasibu, uanasheria, au zenye kuvutia rushwa bila kuangalia watu wanaoolewa nao. Unaweza kupata mume mwenye sifa hizo hapo juu, mfano mfanyabiashara wa mihadarati, jambazi au hata mnyanyasaji na muuaji. Mara nyingi, makabila haya ni ya watu wavivu kutafuta na wanyonyaji wanaowageuza mabinti zao vitega uchumi na ‘chuma ulete’wasijue madhara yake yanaweza kuwa makubwa hata vifo. Hawa ni wengi. Huwa hawajiamini na wanaamini katika waganga wa kienyeji na ujinga mwingine.
    Mara nyingi, wanaofuata ufanisi au utajiri kupitia ndoa hujikuta kwenye matatizo kama vile kutothaminiwa na kupendwa kama walivyotegemea hasa kwa wale wanaojua walichofuata. Hawa ni gold diggers au wachimba dhahabu kwa kimombo ambao tamaa na ujinga wao vyaweza kuwasababishia maisha ya mbwa hat amauti. Japo si wahanga wote wako kwenye kundi hili. Wanaweza kwa jinsia zote. Wanaweza kutenzwa kwa vitu badala ya utu kwa vile walifuata vitu na hawakuwapenda wenzao kimapenzi bali kivitu. Wengine wanapozidiwa, ima huwaua waume au kuwageuka na kutaka waachane ili kugawana au kupewa mali kiasi cha kuwaacha watoto kwenye matatizo yasiyo na sababu zaidi ya tamaa. Pia, waume wanapochoka, wanaweza kuwaangamiza wake zao.
    Gold diggers, mara nyingi huchukuliwa kama wahuni, wenye tamaa, waliopoteza muda wao kiasi cha kupoteza mvuto au wengine waliotumia fursa vibaya tokana na sababu mbalimbali kama vile kuchagua sana, kuringa, au kuponda maisha ukiachia wale ambao wengine ni bahati mbaya tu.
    Pili, wapo wanaoingia kwenye taasisi kifasheni au kutoa nuksi wasijue wanaingia kwenye taasisi ya kudumu ambapo mhusika hapaswi kuangalia vitu vya muda. Mfano, wale wanaopeana mimba au kuzidiana akili. Kuna wasichana wengi hasa ambao wameishakata tamaa. Wakipata mtu wa kufanya nao urafiki, watafanya kila mbinu lau ‘watoe nuksi.’ Mara nyingi, hawa huwapata wanaume wasio na uzoefu na kuwasukumiza kwenye ndoa ambazo, mara nyingi, huishia kuvunjika pale wenza wao wanapokomaa na kukekengeuka kwa kujikuta wameigizwa mkenge.
    Tatu, sababu nyingine ni uvunjifu wa maadili. Mfano, kutegesheana mimba au kufungishana ndoa za mkeka bila kujua udhaifu na ubora wa wenzi wao kwa vile wahusika walivunja maadili na kuanza kufanya mambo yasiyokubalika kimaadili kijamii. Hili linawakumba sana wanaume wazinzi na wanaotaka kuchezea watoto wa wenzao.
    Nne, ulimbukeni wa kuiga mambo nao unaweza kuwa sababu katika wakati huu wa mitandao ambapo wanandoa hukutana kwenye mitandao na kuamua kuoana bila kufanya utafiti na kujipa muda wa kutosha. Juzijuzi nchini Marekani, binti mmoja wa kikenya aliyekuwa akisomea unesi, alipotea baada ya kupata mwanaume wa kizungu kwenye mtandao ambaye anatuhumiwa kumuua na kutumia akaunti yake ya benki iliyokuwa na dola kama laki tatu hivi. Je ni wauaji wangapi wamo kwenye dating sites?
    Tumalizie kwa kushauri jamii ianze kurejea kwenye maadili na kuanza kujiuliza ni wapi ilikosea. Wale wanaoendekeza kutaka wachumba matajiri waache uvivu watafute kwani wanaweza kujiponza wakapatikana. Wale wanaokurupuka waache na kuanza kufanya utafiti, kusomana, kuhojiana, na kutafuta ujuzi juu ya taasisi ya ndoa. Kimsingi, ndoa ni kama taaluma. Inahitaji maandalizi na muda wa kupata ujuzi na kufikia uamuzi. Kikubwa zaidi ni upendo wa kweli na uvumilivu hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa ndoa siyo urafiki wala suala la muda mfupi bali ni fursa moja ya kudumu isiyo na kifani. Kwa wale wanaona kuwaua wenzao ni jibu si jibu. Unamuu kwani ulimuumba? Wewe utaishi milele? Kama una hasira, tafuta namna ya kuzituliza. Kuliko umuue mwenzako si umuache utafute akufaaye ingawa unaweza kumkimbia mjusi ukamkumbatia mamba.

Chanzo: Mwananchi leo.

Barua ya Wazi kwa Rahis Sa100 Ripoti ya CAG

Mpendwa Rahisi, sorry, Raisa, nisikuzeeshe kukuita mama, tunakaribiana kiumri. Usijali lugha yangu. Tatizo ni ufyatu. Dhiki zimenifyatua hadi nafyatuka, kuchanganyikiwa, kuchanganyika huku nikichanganya mambo. Muhimu, nakuheshimia sana dada yangu. Naomba sikio. Kwa unyenyekevu, nifyatuke. Iko makini soma ripoti ya Kaguji, Zibiti Juluku ya Sirkal (KAZIJUSI kama jusi nabanwa na lango) au Covering Addiction and Greed (CAG). Yeye danganya nani? Ile juluku ya Fatu, sirkal haina dukani vala sambani. Ripoti imenivuruga, imeharibia siku yangu. Imeniachia machungu na huzuni. Kila mwaka, ripoti ikitolewa ni ufyatuaji mabilioni kwenda mbele utadhani sirkal ni kipofu au taahira. Heri muifiche mtuondelee maumivu. Naomba univumilie. Tatizo ni wafyatuaji au wale wanaopaswa kuwafyatua wapigaji? Una mamlaka kikatiba na vyombo vya kunusanusa kama Takokuru hata geshi. Lalinda nini kama tunapigwa hivi? Kila mwaka, tunapigwa utadhani hatupo! Tatizo nani na nini?  Hivi vyombo vya nini au mapambo?
            Niepuke mgongano kimaslahi. Mie si chawa wala mpingaji. Sisifu, kuimba mashairi wala mapambio. Ni Fyatu Mfyatuzi mzalendo wa kupigiwa mfano anayechukia rushwa, uchawa, ufisadi, na upigaji njuluku za mafyatu waliochoka kufyatuliwa na shida wakati majizi yakipiga njuluku ndefu yakiishi peponi. Pia, huchukia kuona mamlaka zikiangalia utadhani hazipo.
 Leo sifyatui mengi wala magumu. Niliwahi kumwandikia mtangulizi wako bingwa wa kutumbua namna ya kukomesha huu mchezo mchafu. Hakunijibu wala kufanyia kazi ushauri wangu. Naamni. Naambwa u msikilizaji mzuri Unanisikia? Utafanyia kazi muarobaini huu ninaotoa bure.
            Nashauri unzishe utaratibu wa kukagua na kujiripoti kwa watumishi wote wa umma, kuwachunguza ndugu/washirika wao (Kimakunduuchi, lifestyle audit). Tuna mapanya na wezi wengi wakwasi wakubwa. Tunawajua. Unawajua. wanajijua. Fyatu kamaliza shule juzijuzi. Kaajiriwa Bandari, Takokuru, Uhamiaji, Benki Kuu, Viwanda, Uhamiaji, Polisi, Mahakama, nk.  kwenye mshiko, ni bilionea ghafla bin vu bila maelezo! Waulize mafyatu. Watakutajia wezi wote. Wanaishi nao. Wanawajua. Wanawaona. Haihitaji PhD katika udukuzi/upelelezi. Ukiona nyuso zao, utawajua.
            Tunga sheria kukagua, kuchunguza hata kushuku mali zinazoonekana wazi kupatikana kipigagaji. Ipe meno. Taifisha na tupilia lupango wahusika, kuondoa mazingira na motisha vinavyowawezesha hawa panyabuku kutufyatua na kutupiga. Amini. Mafyatu watakupenda. Watakusaidia. Wamegeuza kaya shamba la bibi kipofu na taahira tukishuhudia upigaji mabilioni ilhali unavuja jasho kwenda ughaibuni kubomu au kuvutia wawekezaji ili panyabuku wachache wabukue na kufyatua. Ukishindwa, useme wazi tuwaulize mafyatu wenye kaya la kufanya.
            Pili, tafadhali anza kufyatua. Ukichelea kutumbua au kuogopa usaha licha ya historia ya kutumika vibaya huko nyuma, useme. Mfano, zikitolewa au kuripotiwa tuhuma za wizi, weka kando wahusika ili wachunguzwe. Juzijuzi, ziliotokea tuhuma kuwa akina Riz One wanapiga njuluku Mirerani. Nini umefanya pamoja na vyombo vya habari kuufichua hujuma hii?
            Tatu, unda taasisi ya siri kuwachunguza Takokuru wanaowachunguza wengine kieleweke isiwe tunacheza kamchezo ka kuajiri ngedere kulinda ndizi tukijua wanavyozipenda. Ikibidi wape geshi. Huko Kenya, watumishi wengi wa umma weshashikwa na kunyang’anywa mali zote walizoshindwa kuzitolea maelezo au zilizopatikana kifisadi.
            Nne, kama muarobain huu haufai wala huna dhamira ya kisiasa kuzifanyia kazi, utangaze kaya yetu iitwe Fyatuliwa kieleweke. Maana, inasikitisha na kuchukiza sina mfano, kushuhudia mafyatu wakijituma kuzalisha na kutengeneza utajiri unaopigwa na kufyatuliwa na mafyatu wachache wasio na uzalendo wala uaminifu.
            Sisteri, naamini. Kama utaanzisha lifestyle audit na kuhoji mali walizo nazo watumishi wa umma, utashinda kansa hii licha ya kukinukisha na kukiumanisha. Pia, haitakuwa mara ya kwanza kuleta mapinduzi katika kupambana na ufisi na ufisadi. Awamu ya Mzee Mchonga mwana wa Burito (RIP sana) ilisifika kwa kunusanusa na kupambana na ufisi, ufisadi, na upigaji wa njuluku za mafyatu. Wakati ule, naamini ulikuwa mkubwa, ukipiga ulabu kupita kiasi au kuuramba sana, unabanwa na kueleza unapopata hiyo njuluku ya matanuzi wakati mafyatu wakitanuliwa na kufyatuliwa na ufukara wa kutengenezwa na ngurumbili. Unda chombo cha kupokea malalamiko ya rushwa na ulimbikizaji mali mafyatu watakupa kila kitu.
            Ukishawanasa wezi, hakikisha, kabla ya kuwadaka na kuwafilisi, unatunga sheria kali ili kila kitu kifanyike kisheria na kisayansi tusiishie kuwatengenezea wao na mawakili wao ulaji utokanao na kushinda kesi mahakamani. Sheria, itamke wazi kuwa kaya ina mamlaka kisheria kutaifisha fedha na mali vya wizi. Nashauri tutumie msamiati wa kurejesha mali za umma badala ya kutaifisha ili wajanja uchwara wasiwatishe wawekezaji kuwa tunarejea kwenye zama za ujima na ujamaa za kutaifishana.
            Kumalizia, anza operesheni hii na watumishi wa Takokuru na taasisi nyingine zenye ushawashi kifedha. Amini. Nakwambia. Siku moja utanitafuta na kunishukuru kwa uzalendo na ubunifu. Nimaliza kwa heshima na taadhima bila kufyatuka. Asante sana dada yangu na karibu ufyatuni. Kkkkkkkk!

Chanzo: Mwaanchi jana.

IN REMEMBRANCE OF THE HISTORIC UGANDA - TANZANIA WAR OF 1978/79.

We made a brief reference to this war in our presentation of last week, but due to lack of editorial space, we failed to complete the story, on the rather lame excuse that “it was already well documented elsewhere”. This was true, but obviously unsatisfactory; because this story  occupies a ‘front seat’ position in the political history of our country, and presumably that of Uganda as well; since  it was the first and only one, inter-State war to be fought in post-colonial  Africa. We have therefore decided to give it ‘full coverage” in today’s presentation.
           The said war commenced in October 1978, and was won by Tanzania on 10th April, 1979, when the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces entered Kampala; and  Uganda’s President Idi Amin fled into exile. Here is the full story.
The root cause of this war.
This was, basically, a war of revenge. President Nyerere was actually taking revenge on his bitter political enemy, Uganda President Iddi Amin, who had taken power through a military coup that  illegally removed the constitutionally elected  President Milton Obote from power. This illegal action alone, would have had hurt President Nyerere, irrespective of who did it, but in the instant case, it was Iddi Amin Dada who thus, ipso facto, became President Nyerere’s bitter political enemy.                               

        But in addition, there were some other factors which contributed to promoting enmity between Nyerere and Iddi Amin. One was that the ousted President Obote was also President Nyerere’s personal friend and political comrade; whom he had not only given refuge  in Dar es Salaam, but had also actually made some covert, unsuccessful attempts, to overthrow Idi Amin and return Obote to power.      

        On his side, Iddi Amin also repeatedly took certain overt actions, to show his enmity to Tanzania.          In the first place, he treated Tanzania persons in Uganda as non grata. Thus, any Ugandan who was suspected of cooperating  in any way with persons from Tanzania, was deemed a traitor, and would be condemned to death for that offence.  In that connection, I vividly remember that this is  what happened to my friend Frank Kalimuzo, who was Vice Chancellor of Makerere University at the time when I was the Vice Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam. But at the time of that occurrence, I had already been appointed Executive Secretary of Chama cha Mapinduzi, and lost contact with him.  I am therefore unaware of the circumstances which led to his being accused of this offence. It could possibly have been his failure, or perhaps delay, in dismissing  the Tanzania students at Makerere University.I came to learn later that  he was, on one fateful day, taken away by Ugandan Security personnel, never to be seen again; hence presumed to have been killed. 

            Secondly, he precipitated provocative incursions into Tanzania, sending his Air Force planes to drop bombs on Mwanza Municipality in 1972.  Fortunately, the bombs caused no substantial harm to the Mwanza  residents;  but they created immense harmful fear and despondency generally  among the people there and elsewhere in Tanzania; forcing the government to take ok appropriate measures to protect the entire country from such  military incursions.
His  fatal incursion, and Nyerere’s  declaration of war.
 In October 1978, the Ugandan Army suddenly invaded,  and occupied, a large part of Tanzanian Territory known as the Kagera Salient,  situated  in the present Kagera Region; whichwas followed by , Presidet Iddi Amin provocative announcement, that  he had annexed that part of Tanzania to Uganda.  And, in order to protect itself from counter attack by the Tanzania armed forces, the Ugandan invading army destroyed the only bridge across Kagera river, which connects the Kagera Salient with the rest of the country. 

        President Nyerere was, at the material time, on a working tour of Ruvuma Region in southern Tanzania. He immediately returned to Dar es Salaam to mobilize the Tanzania armed forces for the struggle to chase the enemy away from our Territory.  At the appropriate moment, he called a meeting of the Da es Salaam Elders at the Diamond Jubilee Hall in Dar es Salaam,  at which he solemnly declared war on Uganda.                                  

        He started by explaining, in the professional style of a classroom teacher that he was, all that had taken place  relating  to the country’s invasion by  Iddi Amin’s military forces; at the end of which,  he pronounced his war declaration edict, in the immortal Kiswahili words of: “Sababu ya kumpiga, tunayo;  Nia ya kumpiga, tunayo, na Uwezo wa kumpiga, pia  tunao. TUTAMPIGA”.
        Fortunately, the country and the people of Tanzania had been psychologically prepared, because when Iddi Amin carried out his coup in January 1971; Nyerere convened a special extraordinary meeting of the TANU National Executive Committee, to deliberate on this matter. That meeting issued a major policy statement, titled “Mwongozo wa TANU wa 1971”; which listed a range of precautionary measures to be taken, that would make it difficult for such coup to take place in Tanzania. These included introducing a programme of military training for all able-bodied Tanzanians.   This is  what  led to the establishment of the “Mgambo” paramilitary institution. Thus, when war was declared, the ‘Mgambo’ cadres were mobilized to join the war effort, and they played a very crucial role in that major conflict.                  

        The execution of the war task,  was slightly easier with regard to the first part of the war, namely,  the liberation of the Kagera Salient, which  was achieved in a relatively short period of time; facilitated by TPDF’s  modern ‘long-range missile’ weapons; which they used very effectively against the invaders of the Ugandan army; for they  were forced to retreat to their side of the border.  This allowed the TPDF ground forces to restore the bridge on Kagera river, and to move the ground forces into that area, fully armed with adequate fire power. The original mission of ‘liberating’ the Kagera Salient, had thus been accomplished, and that objective had been achieved. 

        But then, the difficult circumstances that arose from that situation (of the two armies of Uganda and Tanzania, indefinitely facing each other in hostility) at the border, necessitated a search for a more viable solution to be undertaken.  And it was the TPDF commanders who came up with a workable option; which was that they should “be allowed to carry the war right into Uganda, in order  to go and get rid of the unpredictable Iddi Amin, so as to ensure lasting peace for Tanzanians”.                                             

          They therefore  sent a formal request to President Nyerere, their Commander-in-Chief, to allow them to do so.  
President Nyerere’s dilemma.
In making his decision on that request, President Nyerere found himself in a dilemma.  Being himself a committed Pan-Africanist, he did not relish the prospect of being accused of actively and overtly interfering in the internal affairs of another African country, to the extent of removing its top leader from power.                                                                        

        To borrow the Biblical language, “his spirit was indeed willing” (to exercise revenge on his political enemy by getting rid of him);  but his body was weak”;  in the sense that he was constrained by the fear stated above, of being condemned by his peers for having so interfered in the internal affairs  of another African country.                                            

        According to him, he agonized over this matter for the most part of the relevant week, until he unwillingly surrendered to the option of not accepting the request from the TPDF commanders.  He revealed his ‘burden’ to me, when I had gone to his Msasani office in my capacity as CCM Executive Secretary, to consult him on  some other party matter. After that business was done and completed, and before I left his office, he took that opportunity to narrate to me what had happened. That is when he revealed what had happened, namely that on the previous Saturday, he had decided to inform the TPDF commanders that he was unable to accede to their request. But that he could not deliver this unpalatable message to them himself, for he wouldn’t want to witness the inevitable disappointment of his armed forces.  So he decided instead, to send his Vice President Aboud Jumbe, to deliver that disappointing message.                   

        But still, that decision continued troubling him. Hence, when he went to church the next Sunday morning, he fervently prayed to seek God’s divine guidance, regarding whether he had, in fact, made the right decision. That is when he received the inspiration, that he should have allowed the request by his commanders. This confirmed what was his own wish and desire to do so.  Hence, after that Holy Mas, he drove back to his residence fully charged with enthusiasm; which made him decide to go and deliver the positive massage himself.                 

         Accordingly, the necessary arrangements were quickly made for his travel to the Mutukula border with Uganda, (where the commanders were stationed), to happily deliver the good news.  
But this was the beginning of the more difficult second part of the said war; for it involved the need to overcome certain obvious risks; such as accusations of breaching the relevant international laws that govern international State relationships; and  the inevitable condemnations associated therewith.                          This is actually what explains President Nyerere’s agony in arriving at the decision referred to above; which he  now  confidently made, after God’s guidance.

The waging of the war inside Uganda.
As is the case in practically all wars, the ‘Kagera war’ was, similarly, a very difficult war, for it  caused the death of many people, and injuries to many others, on both sides of the conflict.                                  
        While President Nyerere mobilized  the Ugandan anti-Amin forces that were covertly  fighting to remove him from power; the  Uganda President Iddi Amin, requested his close ally, President Gaddafi of Libya; and his other ally,  the Palestine Liberation  Organization (PLO), to give him military support, which they both agreed to do; and sent battalion of guerilla fighters to Uganda  to add strength to Iddi Amin’s army.                                                              

        But despite that, the Tanzania Defence Forces fighters, who included thousands of trained ‘Mgambo’ cadres, made surprisingly  rapid progress, on their mission to Kampala. They managed to defeat  a strong combined force of the Uganda Army and the PLO guerilla fighters, at one  major battle that was fought at Lukaya.                                                                     

           The loss of Lukaya, greatly weakened the morale of the Ugandan army, and its supporting Arab fighters.  But they soldiered on, until a TPDF regiment ambushed and destroyed a convoy of Libyan soldiers that was travelling on the Kampala – Entebbe road.

            Soon after that, Libya  ended  its intervention in this war, and its troops left Uganda.  This was in early April, 1979.  But the struggle continued, until on 10th April, 1979, the TPDF gallant fighters entered and conquered Kampala, and President Iddi Amin fled into  exile.                                                                                        He had effectively been removed from power, and the Presidency of Uganda was now  vacant .                            In the meantime, President Nyerere had sponsored a conference of all the different groups that were fighting to remove Iddi Amin from power.  That conference, held at Moshi, resolved to establish the  “Uganda National Liberation Front” (UNFL); which proceeded to form an interim government to take care of that country’s affairs, pending the completion of the arrangements for  the election of the country’ leaders; which followed later. piomsekwa@gmail.com    /0754767576.

Source: Cde Pius Msekwa and the Daily News today.

Toka Wanyonge Hadi Machawa

Mafyatu tumejengewa dhana na utamaduni mchafu na hovyo. Tumepewa majina ya hovyo sababu tu hovyo. Tunaonekana hivyo. Tume/ligeuzwa wanyonge wao wababe, tukaamini, tukaupokea, kukuubali, kutukuza, kusifia, kuridhika, na kushangilia. Ukiwa mnyonge uhitaji kutetewa badala ya kujitetea. Huwezi kupigania na kuinyakua haki kwa vile umenyongonyea. Tusikubali kunyonyong'onyezwa hata kunyongwa na kunyongeka.

Ukiwa chawa unahitaji uchafu ili uishi. Chawa ni mdudu  hana haki wala haistahiki. Leo, nitafyatua awamu mbili mtawalia, faivu na sikisi. Faivu ilituita na kutufanya wanyonge. Hatukuuliza wanyonge katika nini na kwanini! tuliridhika kuambiwa na kusikia tulichotaka kusikia. Ghafla bin vu, kaya ya mafyatu ikageuka ya wanyonge! Walichipuka wanyonge, wanyongeaji, wanyonyaji hata wanyongaji. Kkkkk! Inasikitisha japo nacheka. Wapo walionyonga na walionyongwa tukaanza, taratibu, kuzoea. Tuliambukizwa tukaugua ugonjwa wa nyongea na unyonge. Badala ya kufyatuka tukafyatua, tulivyatuliwa jumla.

            Kama haikutosha, tuliupokea na kuukubali unyonge tukaanza kujikomba, kusifia waliotunyong’onyesha mbali na kuunga mkono unyonge wetu. Tulinyong’onyeshwa tukanyong’onyea kwelikweli tukashindwa kufyatuka na kufyatua. Katika unyonge wetu tulinyonywa tukanyonyeka tukaendelea kunyong’onyea. Walizuka wanyonyaji wateule wakaendesha kaya kigeshi. Wapo waliogeuka miungu tusijue nao wanavyatuliwa hata wakiwafyatua wenzao au kuwanyonya, kuwanyonga, na kuwanyong’onyeza.  Huwezi kuendesha kaya kinyonge, kinyonyaji, na wanyonywaji ukajisifu umefanikiwa.

Haiwi huwa! Kwa mkono wake, Al-Ma’buwd, ghafla bin vu, akafyatua ikaingia awamu mazeri doktari. Iliutosa unyonge japo iliuendeleza kidizaika. Ilikuja dhana ya machawa. Ghafla, tukaondoka unyongeni tukaelekea uchawani tulioupwakia kama ushahidi kuntu wa uchafu na unyonge wetu na wao. Baada ya kunyong’onyezwa, na kunyong’onyea, tunanyonywa. Kazi ya chawa na machawa nini? Sitaki nirudie unyonywaji uliopewa majina matamu kama vile tonzo, kikokotezo, nk. Pamoja na kunyonywa, hatukufyatuka na kufyatua wanaotunyonya au kutuchawisha. Tumeukubali uchawa, dharau, udhalili, na udhalilishaji. Japo tunajua nani anamnyonya nani, hakuna anayelalamika zaidi ya kujipendekeza kwa kupwakia kila uchafu kifalsafa.

            Kimsingi na kifyatu, anayewaita au kuwageuza wenzake wanyonge au machawa, naye mnyonge au chawa. Ni mnyonyaji na mchafu kama chawa. Chawa na uchawa ni alama za uchafu na unyonyaji asivyopaswa kutumia fyatu aliyefyatuliwa na Mungu. Hapa, lazima kuwe na ima mtindio wa ubongo, ugonjwa wa akili, ukichaa, hata utaahira wa pamoja au collective mental malade kwa kifipa. Kufuga chawa, lazima uwe mchafu. Kuwa chawa, lazima uwe umeishiwa ubunifu, ufyatu hata ungurumbili. Waanimo (hayawani) wanatuzidi! Kumbe wanyama ni mafyatu wa kweli? Digidigi, faru, nyati, swala, n.k hugaragara ima matopeni au mavumbini kuwaondoa chawa wasiwanyonye. Nyani huwafukua na kuwatafuna, maana wanachukia kunyonywa. Nyani, pamoja na unyani wao, hawajidai wala kuridhika na kufuga chawa. Inakuwaje mafyatu, tena wanene, waridhike na kufuga machawa? Inakuwaje mafyatu waliojaliwa bongo zinazochemka, mikono, na nguvu wakubali au kugeuzwa au kujigeuza machawa ndiyo waishi? Pamoja na ufyatu na uprofesa emeritus wangu, hii anomaly (sina kimakonde chake) imenishinda kuitanzua na kuipatia jawabu mujarabu.

            Ni hiari na jukumu la wanyonywao kuwaulia mbali chawa. Ni jukumu la wanene kujenga mifumo safi na si uchawa wala uchafu. Tunawafundisha nini vitegemezi vyetu japo vyao vimeridhika na uchawa tokana na kuwa chawa wanaonufaika na uchawa? Je tutafuga chawa hadi lini na iwe nini kwa faida gani au kumkomoa nani? Je falsafa za maana zimeisha hadi tuishiwe na kuanzisha na kuendekeza falsafa za kichawachawa? Chawa wanatucheka. Wanatuona hamnazo kwa vile hatujui udhalili wao. Mnadhani chawa wana furaha na heshima? Kawaulize wenyewe.

            Leo tuna uchawa. Tunajivunia. Nani ajuaye kama kesho hatutageuzwa funza, kunguni, panya, na viroboto? Nani ajuaye kama hatutageuzwa jamii ya mbu mueneza malaria au inzi msambaza kipindupindu? Namna hii tutapona? Je tufanye nini? Jibu ni rahisi. Tusijirahisi, kurahisishwa, na kugeuzwa wadudu tena  wabaya. Tuukatae uchawa, ududu, na udhalili kulhali. Kazi yangu ni kufyatuka na kufyatua. Kazi kwenu mafyatu kunielewa na mkafyatuka na kufyatua kwelikweli.

            Anayewaita wenzake chawa anashindwa nini kuwaua? Anayekubali kuitwa na kuwa chawa atashindwa kusiginwa na yule amuitae na kumuona ni chawa? Chawa na uchawa, hata wafuga chawa, wote ni wachafu. Hawahitajiki katika jamii ya mafyatu. Lazima tuwafyatue tunapopata fursa.

            Juzi nilitembelea kaya ya mafyatu tuliowaita manyang’au. Bila hili wala lile jamaa mmoja akaniita chawa! Kama siyo kuogopa karau, ningemdedisha ajue mie fyatu si chawa wala kunguni. Chawa huchukia mwanga na kupenda giza. Hula na kuishi gizani. Anapenda vya gizani. Huyu, hakika, ni mpenzi wa mgao wa umeme alale na ale uzuri. Mafyatu hamuyajui haya! Nshawaambieni. Fumbo nimefumbua. Kazi kwenu kuendelea kuwa au kuliwa na machawa au kufyatuka na kutaka lugha ya uchawa ikome haraka. Nashauri. Tuuchukie na kuukataa unyonge kwa sauti na herufi kubwa. Du! Nahisi kuna chawa ananinyonya! Anawasha ja upupu. Ngoja nimuulie mbali. Are you there?

Chanzo Mwananchi Jne iliyopita.

A DREAM COME TRUE : THE COMPLETION OF THE RUFIJI RIVER HYDROPOWER PROJECT.

The word ‘dream’ is used here in the sense of “a wish to have something, especially one that seems difficult to achieve’; and not that of  ‘events, or feelings that pass through a person’s mind when he is asleep’. Available records show that the well-known, US civil rights leader Martin Luther King (1929-68); used the words “I have a dream”, in a number of his speeches, including that which he delivered in Washington on 28th August, 1963; in which he said: “I have a dream, that one day, this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal”.                                                          

        The Rufiji hydropower project (now known as the ‘Julius Nyerere Hydro Power Station), has been a lifelong ‘dream’, of many different people over different time periods.  It is a huge dam that has been constructed across the Rufiji River in Eastern Tanzania. According to government sources, this power station is expected to have an installed capacity 2,115 megawatts. The project, which is claimed to be the largest power station in East Africa, the fourth largest concrete dam in Africa, and the ninth largest in the world;   is owned and managed  by the Tanzania Electric Supply Company (TANESCO), It reportedly 1200 square kilometres, with 34,000,000.00 cubic metres of water.                                 

The genesis of the Rufiji River dam construction ‘dream’.
This ‘dream’, or grand idea, has been a lifelong dream of many different officials, at different times, and for different reasons.  It actually commenced during the period when Tanganyika was ruled by the Germans. It was conceived in 1901, by a German Engineer named Stiegler, who led the first expedition to what became known as Stiegler’s Gorge, to consider its potential for the construction of such an infrastructure.  Unfortunately, while he was measuring the Gorge, Engineer Stiegler was attacked and killed by an elephant near the ravine, in 1907, which led to this project being named after him, in his memory and honour.  When subsequently the British took over the country’s Administration; they also developed plans for a dam to be constructed there.  The records show that during that period of British rule, the first systematic development surveys of the Rufiji River were conducted in 1928 – 1929, by one Alexander Telford: with Engineer Gilman carrying out further surveys in 1938 – 1940. 
These early studies primarily envisioned the setting up of an irrigation infrastructure with the construction there of a small dam, to reduce flooding and to protect downstream irrigation infrastructure. This chanded in the 1950s, when the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) started studying the Rufiji River infrastructure, to include a far larger dam wall of around 100 meters, aimed at transforming the Rufiji valley to an artificial environment, providing water for agriculture.
President Nyerere’s ‘dream’. 
        After he came to power as the country’s President in December 1962,  President Nyerere seems to “have a dream” (precisely in the style of Martin Luther King), of using hydropower dams as the key deliverers of his ambitious modernization programme,  and particularly his industrialization scheme, which was envisaged in the Second Five-Year Development Plan;  and which, obviously, would need the availability of stable, and cheap electricity.   That is what drove his government to invest in the Great Ruaha Hydropower project, which involved the construction of hydropower plants at Kidatu, and Mtera. The Ruaha is an upstream tributary of the Rufiji River.                                                        

        Thus, the government announcement that the Julius Nyerere Hydropower project (JNHPP)  construction  is nearing completion and has actually started injecting electricity into the national grid, is very good news; indeed, for it marks the successful realization of our country’s  Founder and Father of the nation, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere. It is, needless to say, a major, and very significant, “historic milestone”.
        The word ‘milestone’ means ‘a very important stage, or event, in the development of something’.  In the initial stages of our political development (during the struggle for independence); there occurred an event which also can justifiably be described as a “historic milestone”; which occurred during the month of March 1955, also concerning the same Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. The relevant event is  with regard to the personal sacrifice which he made, of resigning from a lucrative teaching job at the then St. Francis College, Pugu;  which was being operated by  Irish Catholic missionaries known as Holy Ghost Fathers. 
            Mwalimu Nyerere had only just commenced his active engagement in politics, with his election to the Chairmanship of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), which was established on 7th July 1954. But his engagement in politics soon put him into trouble with the British colonial Authorities , who, apparently,  were closely watching all  his actions in that respect, which appeared to give much needed strength to the said struggle.  They thus decided to put a stop to his support to TANU, which they considered to be dangerous to their interests.  They therefore conspired with the Headmaster of  St. Francis College, to ask Nyerere to make a choice, between either retaining his secure teaching job there, or resigning therefrom, to enable him to pursue his political activities.           

        Here is the story of what actually happened, as told by Nyerere himself :- “On one Sunday morning, 21st March 1955, the headmaster, Fr. Lynch, called me to his office after the morning prayers , to give me what he describe as  “fatherly advice” from his spiritual father. This is wat he said to me: ‘Julius we have noticed that you have recently been heavily engaged in politics by often travelling to Dar es Salaam to engage in political discussions with other politicians.                           

        I want to caution you, that this is very dangerous for your teaching profession. You are of course aware of the Bible teaching that you cannot serve two masters. Hence, my sincere advice to you now, is that you should put yourself on the safe side.   Just abandon your association with those dangerous political troublemakers, and concentrate on your teaching profession. This will be in your own personal interest, and that of your young family.  So, go and think carefully about it, and let me know your decision as soon as possible”.

        It was, indeed, a very difficult choice for him to make; but he boldly made it, by choosing the option of resigning from his lucrative teaching job. This is his extreme personal sacrifice that I referred to above. The mental agony which afflicted him in the process of making this difficult decision. is succinctly revealed in his resignation letter to the headmaster, dated 22nd March, 1955; which reads, in part, as follows:-  “hen the option of resignation from TANU is given to me as a condition for retaining my job as a teacher, the matter becomes a matter of principle. In such circumstances, I have chosen to resign. I am fully aware of, and I feel very sad,  about the economic  consequences of my resignation, to me and my family. Nevertheless, as a matter of principle, I have consciously opted to resign”.
        That, I would venture to say, resonates with the Biblical story of Abraham’s willingness and readiness to sacrifice his only son,  in obedience to God’s command, for which God rewarded him with many more children. Mwalimu Nyerere was similarly willing and ready to sacrifice his lucrative job, in obedience to an abstract principle. And God seems to have amply rewarded him for this sacrifice, by enabling his efforts in the independence struggle to succeed, even earlier than had been generally anticipated;  and using only non-violent, peaceful methods.                                              

        In my humble opinion, this personal sacrifice event should be taken into consideration as evidence in support of his canonization process, currently being undertaken by the Catholic church in Tanzania.    
      For the benefit of those who are not fully conversant with this purely Christian matter, I should explain that “canonization” is the name given to the lengthy process, which is normally undertaken by the Catholic church, which eventually terminates in a departed person being declared a “saint”; i.e. a person who lived a holy life during his time here on earth. 
It should also be carefully noted, that the said Nyerere’s ‘sacrifice action’; helps to illustrate the high “cost of adhering to principles”. This is relevant here, because of the fact that Mwalimu Nyerere’s  strict ‘adhere to principles’ after he came into power did indeed cost the country, in terms of losing  the financial aid which had been promised, for supporting certain specified social and economic development projects.                                                         

Nyerere’s dream ‘comes true’
It is the late  President  John Pombe Magufuli, of the fifth phase government of the United Republic, whose determination to honour the late President Nyerere,  by making a firm commitment, to have all of Nyrere’s mega infrastructure projects completed; which has made it possible for the Rufiji Hydropower project to be completed, plus the other mega project of moving the seat of government from Dar es Salaam  to Dodoma; when his commitment was taken over after his sudden death in office, by his very able and equally sincerely committed successor, President Samia Suluhu Hssan.
When Dr. Magufuli entered the stage in 2015 after winning the Presidential election of that year, the said ‘dream’ had practically been forgotten; for it had ceased appearing in the government Five Year Development Plans, due to  the government’s low financial status, which   made that project appear to be an absolutely unachievable objective.                                                              

         But then entered President John Magufuli, apparently having imbibed, and been invigorated, by his predecessor President Jakaya Kikwete’s slogan of “Nguvu mpya, Ari mpya,  na kasi mpya”; he quickly embarked on introducing legislation to revamp the rich mineral sector;  which soon  resulted in vastly increased government revenues. 
        On Monday, 3rd July, 2017, the Parliament of the United Republic enacted two “natural resources protection” laws These were: (i)  “The Natual Wealth and Resources Contracts (Review and Re-negotiation of unconscionable Terms) Act, 2017”; and (ii) “The Natural Wealth and Resources (permanent Sovereignty) Act, 2017. These two were supplemented by a third law, cited as “The Written Laws (Miscellaneous Amendments) Act, 2017; which made amendments to six other laws, whose overall objective was to strengthen the supervision and control of the mining sector, and its allied sectors of oil and natural gas; and also aimed at improving government revenue collections  from those sectors.  
         President Magufuli had earlier appointed two specialist committees, which were entrusted with the responsibility to investigate what he suspected to be “massive thievery” and deception, perpetrated by specified mining firms, as a result of faulty mining contracts, and inappropriate applicable laws.  This is the essence of what I described above as President Magufuli’s imbibing President Jakaya Kikwete’s slogan of “Nguvu mpya, Ari mpya, na Kasi mpya”; plus  the  ‘intoxicating’ invigoration resulting therefrom. 
        Upon President Magufuli’s sudden death, his successor in office, President Samia Suluhu Hassan, made her own innovation by producing the “Royal Tour” documentary, which also resulted in massive increases in government revenue collections, through increased numbers of tourist arrivals.                        
Thus, what had previously been deemed impossible to achieve because of financial constraints, now became possible  under the mentioned innovative new revenue collection measures, introduced by Presidents John Pombe Magufuli, and Samia Sulhu Hassan.  
 piomsekwa@gmail.com   /0754767576.

Source: Cde Pius Msekwa and Daily News today.

Sisi CcM Inapofyatua Kiki Kutufyatua Tikitiki

Marais sasa wa Danganyika waliodanganyika wakawadanganya wadanganyika Chiwawa na SSH (pichani).

Chama cha Mafyatu (CcM) kina sera ya Kisanii na Kizushi, sorry, ya Kishua na Kivungio (KIKI). Kutokana na KIKI kushika kasi, wapo mafyatu kaidi wanaoiita Kutapeli Institute in Kula Inchi, Kuzuga Ili Kufyatua Inji, Kudanga Ili Kupumbaza Inji nk. Juzi toto janja aliniuliza kitu chakufikirisha, kufundisha, na kufyatua nikakukumbuka KIKI iliyonipa kiki, makeke, na mikiki kufyatuka na kufyatua. Baada ya kushuhudia vimbwanga na vitimbwi vya KIKI, makeke, na mikiki, dogo fyatu alinifyatua tena kwa makeke na mikikii aliniuliza kaya ina marahis wangapi. Nilimjibu “doktari mazeri mwenyewe.” Alinicheka utadhani mie siyo profesa emeritus wala daktari ila dokatri. Nilitafakari, nikamuuliza “nitajie, wapo wangapi?” Alizoza “wawili?” “Wataje” niliuliza. Alijibu  "doktari, alhajat Ustaadha, alimuuminat, mazeri na kufari Bashiti aka Chiwawa.” La hawla wa la quwwata illa Billah! Kabla kuendelea kufyatuka na kufyatua, kijasho chembamba kilinichuruzika bila kufanya au kuacha nilivyozidiwa kete kiudodosi.

Dogo, kama Kadogo-Sir wa SgR uchwara, alinichanganya pamwe na udoktari na uprofesa wangu. Nilimuuliza “ulijuaje?” Alijibu “huoni huyu rahis chawa wa pili na wa kwanza anayeonekana runigani akipelekewa ‘matatizo’ kila aendako? Wa pili, anatanua ughaibuni.” Nilimuuliza “keshatatua matatizo gani?” Alifyatuka kimzahamzaha, mikiki, na kiki utadhani fyatu mzima “unadhani wana KIKI wanadhamiria kuwasaidia au kutufyatua waufyate tena kwa kutumia matatizo yao?” Aliendelea “ametatua matatizo sugu ya migao ya kila kitu? Kuona anavyofyatuka kunishinda, niliamua kuwajuza mafyatu mjue huu uchangu kisiasa.

            Nilitafakari kidoktari, kiprofesa, na kifyatu, nilikumbuka KIKI makabrashani ya kuwafyatuliwa mafyatu waufyatuke. Kama wale, tunayo sera mpya ya usahihi au political authenticity siyo yao olitical artistry Kisambaa. Kama wafanyavyo wasanii uchwara wa kisiasa majukwaani. Tumegundua. Mafyatu wamekata tamaa kiasi cha tapeli yeyote anayejifanya anawapenda hata kama anawaponda akiwahadaa anawajali wakati hawajali mbali na yeye na wenzake kuwa tatizo kubwa kuwafyatua! KIKI inatumia matatizo ya mafyatu kuwafyatua waamini wanene wanaowajali ingawa hawawajali wala kuwapenda bali kuwaponda.

 Mafyatu ni wagumu na wavivu wa kufikiri, hawaulizi kilichosababaisha matatizo kama migao ya maji, umeme, kupanda gharama za maisha, elimu mbovu, ufisadi, wizi, ubangaizaji, uzembe vinavyowayopeleka kwa waganganjaa wasio na tofauti na waganga wa kienyeji na wachunaji kutafuta utajiri au kuombewa ilhali wahusika ni makapuku na nyongeza na mazonge yao wakifyatuliwa kimasomaso?

Wamefyatua kibashiti wakidhani mafyatu hawajui na kuona matumizi mabaya ya njuluku zao. Misururu ya ndinga anazotumia si israfu na ufisadi? Je zingetumika vizuri zingetusaidia kiasi gani? Pamoja na yote, bado wapo wanaodhani bashiti aweza kutatua matatizo yao wakati anayazidisha. Hata waliomfyatua hawasaidii. Anawaponza. Kitambo, tulikuwa na sera hii kabla ya kundunguliwa tukawahiwa kuitumia. Sera yetu ni kufyatuana ili Kujenga Inji siyo hiyo KIKI uchwara ya akina Bashiti tuliyoshiti.

Turejee maswali muhimu ya dogo. Je wenzetu hawaoni wanavyojifyatua na kujifyatulisha kutegemea sanaa badala ya ubunifu mujarabu? Tunataka majibu ya matatizo sugu siyo ufisadi sugu na usanii. Inakuwaje vichanga vinawazidi akili mafyatu wanene na waliwao kuyaona na kuyatafakari yaliyowashinda? Je huyu rahis Chiwawa anamsaidia doktari mazeri au kuzidi kumrostisha huko tuendako hasa wakati huu ukapa unapotufyatua? Je wanaomshauri mazeri hawaoni balaa wanalotengeneza kwa mauti yao kisiasa hapo twenty twenty-five? Tangu lini tatizo likatatua tatizo? Bashiti na waliomfufua ni matatizo donda ndugu kwa mafyatu waelewe na kukubali. Huwezi kujifanya unawajali mafyatu wakati unawaibia na wale waliokutuma na chata lenu mnasifika kwa ubangaizaji, ufisadi, ufisi, ulafi na roho mbaya. Mnaitana majukwaani kuwafyatua mafyatu mkijifanya hamuelewani au kuwajibishana wakati ni karata tatu. Hayo matatizo mnayojifanya ‘kutatua’ yalisababisha na nani na yalianza lini kama siyo nyinyi? Tutakuwaje na mgao wa umeme na maji wakati wa mafuriko?

Hamuoni mnajifyatua na kujihadaa kwa kutaka kuendesha kaya kwa kamera majukwaani? Tunataka majibu na si maigizo, KIKI, na usanii. Kweli inaingia akilini chawa kuwatisha mafisi waliokubuhu waliotamalaki chatani na sirkalini? Kwa KIKI na ngonjera, sanaa, na kutaka ujiko, mmeishatatua matatizo mangapi? Umaskini unaengezeka. Bei za vitu muhimu hazishikiki. Tozo halikamatiki. Kikokotoo kinatukokota mifukoni. Taarifa za CAG zinapuuziwa Majambazi wanene wanazidi kuneemeka. Kuna matatizo yanayowasumbua mafyatu na kuwafyatua kama haya? Leo sifyatui mengi nisije nikaonekana nataka kiki kwa kutumia KIKI kama wale makeke na mikiki yao yatakayowafyatua tikitiki kama tikiti  lililodondoshwa mwambani mbali na kuwa tikiti ya kutokomea kisiasa.

Acheni kuwatia vidole machoni mafyatu. Msicheze na maisha yao mkidhani hawana akili wala kumbukumbu. Angalia mtoto alivyowaumbua na KIKI yenu ya kutaka kiki kikiri tena kwa makeke, mikiki, na mikukuliko.

Nimesema sera yao, sorry, yetu ni KIKI au ni makeke na mikiki ya kanywaji?

Chanzo: Mwananchi leo.

Waraka wangu kwa Joni Kanywaji Mugful

Nakusalimia na kukuandikia waraka wa kumbukizi baada ya kuanza kusahaulika kirejareja na kirahisi. Kwa niaba ya mafyatu wote akiwamo bi Mkubwa wako nachukua fursa hii kuzoza nawe hata kama hutajibu. Niande kwenye inshu. Zimebaki siku mbili kuadhimisha miaka mitatu ya kuondoka kwakao. Ulipofyatuka, walitufyatua changa la macho kuwa pengo uliloacha lisingezibika. Urongo mtupu. Sijui nani ataziba lao. Mbona lilizibika zamani hata kabla ya mwili wako kuoza? Si hilo tu, hata ile miradi uliyozoea kuiita yako si yako tena. Wanapewa ujiko wengine ambao hawakuwa wala hawana maono, usongo, na uzalendo kama wako. Kumbe asiyekuwepo na lake halipo? Pamoja na ukali wake, hata mzoga wa simba hugugunwa na panya na kunyonywa na machawa.

Madege  uliyozoea kununua kwa cash kama vitumbua hayaongezeki ila matanuzi. tunashangaa kuona dude linaopaswa kukatiza dunia likitumika kwenda kununua vitafunwa mikoani na matanuzi mengine uliyochukia. Hata majipu uliyozoea kutumbuatumbua sasa hayatumbuliwi. Yapo mengi tu. Yanazidi kuumka na kunuka. Hakuna daktari kuyatumbua. Kwa sasa, tuna madoktari feki wasioweza kutumbua hata chunusi. Siku hizi, kuna machawa. Twangojea kunguni. Taarifa ya Mkaguzi Mkuu wa njuluku za mafyatu kila mwaka inaripoti upigaji wa kutisha. Hakuna anayetumbuliwa. Sijui kama wanagawana wote kuanzia chini hadi juu vinginevyo maza angekasirika angalau akatumbua japo wachache lakini wapi. Kabla sijasahau, siku hizi wenzi, wenza, sijui wake wenza wa wanene nao wanapiga mshiko na kuzidi kuwasikinisha mafyatu. Hata juzi, kuku wangu naye alitaka apewe mshiko kwa sababu mimi ni mnene wa mafyatu wanaofyatuliwa kirahisi wakaufyata badala ya kuufyatua na kufyatua wanaowafyatua.
    Kabla sijasahau, ile  SgR yako ipoipo. Juzi ilianza kufyatukafyatuka na kufanya majaribio ambayo hatujui lengo wala mwisho wake.
    Bandari ya Bongo ishakwenda kwa deep weed ya Do buy inayonunua kila kitu kuanzia mafyatu, hewa, hata maji. Mambo yanazidi kunoga na kubadilika japo si kwa kufurahisha. Kile kikaragosi chako ulichochonga na kukiita bashiti baadae ukamiteketeza kilipoanza kukutishia nacho kimefufuliwa na kinatanua kuliko hata yule uliyempa ulaji. Kinafyatukafyatuka kikiwatapeli mafyatu kuwa kinawajali na kuweza kutataua mataizo yao. Kinazoza kama rahis na kinawapata kinawapata kwa sababu wamekata tamaa, kufyata au kuunga juhudi kwa pambio na nyimbo badala ya kufyatuka na kufyatua.
    Wale vihiyo au waloghushi uliowatumbua sasa wanatesa bila wasiwasi. Siku hizi kila fyatu anataka aitwe ima daktari au profesa hata kama hakufika darasa la saba. Mie hupenda kuwaita madoktari na maprofedheha kama yule aliyekuita Mungu. Hata hivyo, alishawekwa pembeni. Yule Mnyalukolo Bill za Ruku Ukuvi, ashawekwa pembeni. Kwanini hukumtumbua pamoja na kujua alituhumiwa kughushi vyeti vyake vya kitaaluma kama kibashiti?
Siku hizi kuna mgao wa kila kitu kuanzia hewa, umeme, maji mpaka sukari hata uroda. Hata ile Chato yako uliyoiacha siku hizi inakufa taratibu. Ule uwanja wako wa ndege na Chato vinaanza kugeuka Gbadolite kama ile ya jambazi wa Kongo Mombuto. Mbuga ya Burigi-Chato ndo usiseme. Biashara zimedoda kiasi cha kuzidiwa hata Kizimkazi. Bwawa la mMzee Mchonga nalo linasusuasua kiasi cha mgao wa umeme kugeuka fasheni. Mambo yamebadilika na kuharibika sana. Maswahaba zako kama yule doktari nshomile Bushir Ka Kulwa uliyekuwa ukimteua kila mara ashawekwa kando sambamba na homeboy wako doktari Keleman. Harmfully Slowslow alishashushwa na kupandishwa wengine hasa wale uliowahi kuwanasa wakikunanga kwenye simu. Bi mkubwa wako kapotea na anaanza kusahaulika. Hata mie ninayekukumbuka simkumbuki Hayo tuyaache.
    Ukiachia hayo, Mzee ruxa ameaga juzi siku chache baada ya Eddie Luwasha. Nadhani mshaonana. Cha mno, mafyatu wasiojulikana waliiokuwa wanapoteza mafyatu pingaji nao ima wamepotea au kuacha kale kamchezo.
    Ukiachia hayo, siku hizi mazeri ni doktari na kila fyatu anataka aitwe ima doktari au profesa. Hakuna anayeweza kutaja jina lake bila kuanza na doktari na sifa nyengine kibao huku akishukuru, kutukukuza, na kuunga juhudi ambazo matunda yake ni haba kuyaona au kuyaelezea kiukweli. Siku hizi wewe wa hutajwi. Hata kwenye tule tumiradi wanatajwa wao sio wewe uliyeanzisha. Hata mvua ikinyesha wanamshukuru mazeri. Yule profedheha aliyekuita Mungu ashawekwa kando zamani gani. Unamkumbuka Mr. Sipika Jobless? Alibwabwaja wakamfyatua. Sasa yupo yule sister asiyetulia. Ana nyodo na anajua kila kitu hata kama hajui. Sijui kama hana mpango wa kuchukua ulaji kama kibashiti.

 Akina Tunda Lishe na wenzake nao wanafyatukafyatuka. Dkt Silaha uliyempa ulaji ughaibuni, ashabwagwa. Amererejea ulikomtoa. Hakika, hapo utakakumbuka kamsemo ka mafyatu kuwa kunguru hafugiki.
    Nisikuchoshe na kukatisha usingizi wako wa milele. Kifupi, mambo si mambo. Siku hizi tuna dhana mpya kama vile kikokotoo, tozo, na kila aina ya visingizio vya kupigia njuluku za mafyatu bila kuwarejeshea chochote zaidi ya mateso na umaskini. Hata hivyo, tunajikongoja tukishuhudia vimbwanga na vibweka kwa wanaobweka. Ili kuukata, lazima uunge mkono juhudi kama legacy uliyotuachia ambapo unene na umungu havina mpaka.
Kwa leo ni hayo. RIP Joni Kanywaji Mugful.

Chanzo: Mwananchi leo.

 

Hamba Kahle/Vyedi Ali Hassan Mwnyichande Mangandi

Kwa niaba ya mafyatu wote duniani bila kumsahau Bi Mkubwa wangu na yule wa kaya, kwa huzuni, majonzi, na simanzi, kubwa, nakupa  sala na salamu za mwisho za mfayatu wenzio. Natoa rambirambi kwa familia hasa Bi Sitti na Khadija, Dk Hussein, marafiki, na taifa kwa kuondokewa na kiungo muhimu katika uongozi, utumishi, na historia vya taifa letu.

Shehe Ali, hukuwa ila mja safi mnyenyekevu, mwenye heshima hata kwa waliokuwa chini yako. Ulipewa mikoba mwaka 1985 wakati taifa likiwa kwenye hali mbaya kiuchumi si kutokana na uongozi mbaya bali ubazazi na ukatili wa mabepari walioichukia na kuihujumu kwa vile haikukubali kulala nao kitanda kimoja. Iliyotaka moyo wa chuma kuibadili. Ulitumia mbinu na weledi wako kama mwanadiplomasia mbobezi kusema “sasa na itoshe tubadilike na kukubali dunia inavyokwenda hata kama hatutaki.” Pamoja na uzuri wake, hukuona aibu wala woga kukiri na kutambua kuwa siasa za Ujamaa zilikuwa zimefikishwa ukingoni na kuanzisha mageuzi ya kisiasa na kiuchumi.

Shehe Mwinyi, nenda. Kazi umeifanya, vita umepigana na kushinda. Umeondoka msafi na hazina kwa taifa. Mafyatu tunakumbuka bashasha na utani, busara, uchangamfu, ucheshi, utani, na upendo wa kweli kwetu. Japo hukujitangaza, ulikuwa fyatu. Kwani, ulifyatua kitu kiitwacho rukhsa kilichogeuka mhuri na kitambulisho chako. Cha mno, ulifyatua daktari Hussein mnene wa Visiwani. Tunakukumbuka kama kiongozi bora na mahiri aliyeangushwa na wale aliowaamini akidhani walikuwa na imani na udhu kama wake.

Maalim Nzasa, hukuwa mjivuni, mchoyo, wala mpenda sifa. Hukupenda kutukuzwa wala kusifiwa. Hukujitutumua hata ulipofanya makubwa kwa sababu ulikuwa mcha Mungu aliyeamini kuwa Mungu pekee mtukufu asitahikiye sifa zote nzuri na kubwa. Hakika, Mwinyi, umeondoka na kutuachia tunu nyingi ikiwemo amani, mshikamano, nahau, na maridhiano ambavyo, hata hivyo, machawa, mafisadi, waroho, na wenye roho mbaya, matapeli wa kisiasa na watenda jinai wengine ambao hawajui wala kukubali kuwa kila lenye mwanzo lina mwisho wameanza kuvihujumu.

Nisomapo historia yako na vimbwanga kama kununuliwa pea ya kwanza ya viatu ukaacha kuvivaa ukaibeba ukitembea pekupeku ili visichafuke nafarijika. Nakumbuka falsafa yako adhimu kuwa binadamu anapaswa kutahadhari asiwe kichwa cha mwendawazimu walevi kujifunzia kunyoa. Sijui kama wengi walikuelewa ulichomaanisha kuwa umma ukikupa dhamana, kazi yako ni kuutumikia siyo kuutumia. Hukupenda ubwana wala ushaufu na utukufu feki na uchwara zaidi ya unyenyekevu na utumishi kwa wanyonge. Pamoja na kutunikiwa udaktari wa heshima na vyuo mbalimbali, kama Ben na JK, hukuwahi kukubali wala kupenda kuitwa daktari. Ulijua athari zake yaani, ujivuni, ukihiyo, na ulimbukeni.

Pamoja na madaraka makubwa, hukuyalewa wala kuyatumia vibaya kibinafsi ila kujitoa kuutumikia umma kindakindaki na kiungwana. Cha mno, hukuogopa kukosolewa japo wakati mwingine ulichukia ilipotokea kudhalilishwa au kuonekana dhaifu kama kiongozi.

Nakumbuka sana ulivyoitikia mwito kwa unyenyekevu baba wa taifa Mwalimu JK. Nyerere alipokufyatua kuwa ikulu siyo pango la wezi mbali au ulipowatimua wanachuo walipoonyesha dharau. Bila kupayuka wala kufyatuka, ulivunja baraza la mawaziri tena bila kutoa hata notisi, ukajipanga upya na mambo yakaenda vyedi na mafyatu wakafurahi kunufaika. Haimanishi utawala wako haukuwa na kasoro. Tokana na kutokuwa na uzoefu na sera hasidi za kinyonyaji na kinyanyasaji za kibepari, wapo waliotumia madaraka na upole wako kupiga njuluku na baadaye ilibainika, binafsi, kuwa hukuwa fisadi au roho ya fisi ya kuuibia umma. Umeishi maisha ya faida na heshima kiasi cha kuacha urathi uliotukuka kama baba, kaka, binadamu, na yote katika yote, kama rais aliyependwa na kuheshimika “si haba.”

Alhaj Mwinyi, hukuwa mdini wala mhafidhina. Ilipotokea kasheshe ya mabucha ya nguruwe mwaka 1993, japo kwako ni haramu, ulisema wazi, atakayetaka kula nyoka au nguruwe ruksa, atakayepiga ulabu ruksa. Hukujifanya msafi na mhafidhina kutumia dini yako inayopingana na mambo haya kuwapendelea waliojiona ni wenzako wakati hawakuwa. Ulijua mipaka ya dhamana ya urais. Kwa mawazo, maneno, na vitendo ulithibitisha kuwa ulikuwa rais wa wote waumini na wasioamini. Hukuyumba wala kuyumbishwa hasa ulipoweka historia ya kuwa kiongozi muislamu ambaye hakupendelea msikiti wala kuchukia kanisa. Ulikuwa mtanzania kwanza na muislam mwisho jambo ambalo ni gumu wengi kulifanya. Na hii ni mojawapo sababu za mafyatu kukupenda. Nani mara hii kasahau kipindi kigumu na mtihani kwako Zanzibar ilipotaka kujiunga na jumuia ya kimatiafa ya kiislamu (OIC) mwaka 1992 bila kusahau kuibuka kwa kundi la G55 lililotishia muungano? Baada ya kusoma katiba na sheria, ulisimama kidete na kushughulikia kadhia hii kwa busara na haki na kuiondoa nchi kwenye mtatange, mtanziko, na mtihani vilivotishia kutugawanya na kuutikisa hata kuuvunja muungano wetu. Wewe ulikuwa muungano maana ulizaliwa bara na kukulia na kutawala visiwani bila upendeleo wala uonevu.

Ndugu Mwinyi, makala au kitabu kimoja haviwezi kueleza mema nengi uliyolifanyia taifa kuanzia darasani, madarasat, ubalozini, hata ikulu uliyoifanya kuwa sehemu na nyumba ya watanzania bila kujali nafasi zao kijamii. Kukukariri, wewe ni hadithi nzuri.

Tunaaswa kuwa كُلُّ نَفْسٍ ذَآئِقَةُ الْمَوْت kullu nafsin zaikatul maut bimaana kila nafsi itaonja mauti. Pumzika baada ya kazi nzito na tukufu. Lala salama Ndugu yetu alhaj Ali Nzasa Hassan Mwinyichande Mangandi. Tusalimie wapendwa Julius Nyerere, Abeid Karume, Aboud Jumbe Mwinyi, Benjamin Mkapa, John Kanywaji Magufuli, Edward Sokoine, Idris Wakil, shehe Thabit Kombo na wengine waliotangulia. Waambe. Tunawamiss na kuwakumbuka sana.

Hamba kahle mfowethu.

Chanzo: Mwananchi leo.